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He is tortured by dreams and images as a child is tortured by the thought of a state of existence in which it would live in a candy store and have two stomachs. They are oppressed by man-made laws, man-made social customs, masculine egoism, the delusion of masculine superiority. Their iwves comfort is the assurance that, even though it may moton impossible to prevail against man, it is always possible to enslave and torture a man. To be an American is, unquestionably, to be the noblest, grandest, the proudest mammal that ever hoofed the verdure of God's green footstool. Often, in the black abysm of the night, the thought that I am one awakens me with a blast of trumpets, and I am thrown into a cold sweat by contemplation of the fact.
I shall cherish it on the scaffold; it will console me in Hell. Free lonely wives in moron there is no perfection under Heaven, so even an Wivfs has his small blemishes, his scarcely discernible weaknesses, his minute traces of vice and depravity. The Smart Set Octoberp. Wells' Joan and Peter Ch. But there are no certainties. They never defend anyone or anything if they can help it; if the job is forced on them, they mogon it by denouncing someone or something else. No virtuous man — that is, virtuous in the Y. All the llnely are on the man who is, intrinsically, the most devious and mediocre — the man who can most adeptly disperse the notion that his mind is Fre virtual vacuum.
The Presidency tends, year by year, to go to such men. As democracy is perfectedthe office represents, more and more closely, the inner soul of the people. We move toward a lofty ideal. On some great and glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart 's desire at last, and the White Wivs will be adorned by a downright moron. Off goes the wivds of the mmoron, and eives gives way to freedom. The change seems abysmal. Then, bit by Free lonely wives in moron, the face of freedom hardens, and by and by it is the old face of tyranny. Then another cycle, and another. Lonel under the play of all these opposites there is something fundamental and morin — the basic delusion that men may be governed and yet be free.
Preface to the first edition of The American Credo: A Contribution Toward the Interpretation of the National Mind The American of today, in fact, probably enjoys olnely personal liberty than any other man of Christendom, and even his political liberty is fast succumbing to the new dogma that certain theories of government are virtuous and lawful, and others abhorrent and felonious. Laws limiting the radius of his free activity multiply year by year: It is now practically impossible for him to exhibit anything describable as genuine individuality, either in action or in thought, without running afoul of some harsh and unintelligible penalty.
Nor would it astound any save the most romantic if, at the same time, the goddess of liberty were taken off the silver dollars to make room for a bas-relief of a policeman in a spiked helmet. Moreover, this gradual and, of late, rapidly progressive decay of freedom goes almost without challenge; the American has grown so accustomed to the denial of his constitutional rights and to the minute regulation of his conduct by swarms of spies, letter-openers, informers and agents provocateurs that he no longer makes any serious protest. A Contribution toward the Interpretation of the National Mind The American is marked, in fact, by precisely the habits of mind and act that one would look for in a man insatiably ambitious and yet incurably fearful, to wit, the habits, on the one hand, of unpleasant assertiveness, of somewhat boisterous braggardism, of incessant pushing, and, on the other hand, of conformity, caution and subservience.
He is forever talking of his rights as if he stood ready to defend them with his last drop of blood, and forever yielding them up at the first demand. A Contribution toward the Interpretation of the National Mind It is the dull man who is always sure, and the sure man who is always dull. Prejudices, Second Series Ch. Is it because journalists, as a class, are habitual liars, and prefer what is not true to what is true? I don't think it is. Rather, it is because journalists are, in the main, extremely stupid, sentimental and credulous fellows -- because nothing is easier than to fool them -- because the majority of them lack the sharp intelligence that the proper discharge of their duties demands.
But when a candidate for public office faces the voters he does not face men of sense ; he faces a mob of men whose chief distinguishing mark is the fact that they are quite incapable of weighing ideasor even of comprehending any save the most elemental — men whose whole thinking is done in terms of emotionand whose dominant emotion is dread of what they cannot understand. So confronted, the candidate must either bark with the pack or count himself lost. Baltimore Sun 26 July The only good bureaucrat is one with a pistol at his head. Put it in his hand and it's good-bye to the Bill of Rights.
A Carnival of Buncombep. The cosmos is a gigantic fly-wheel making 10, revolutions a minute. Man is a sick fly taking a dizzy ride on it. Religion is the theory that the wheel was designed and set spinning to give him the ride. If it be aristocratic in organization, then it seeks to protect the man who is superior only in law against the man who is superior in fact; if it be democratic, then it seeks to protect the man who is inferior in every way against both. One of its primary functions is to regiment men by force, to make them as much alike as possible and as dependent upon one another as possible, to search out and combat originality among them.
All it can see in an original idea is potential change, and hence an invasion of its prerogatives. The most dangerous man to any government is the man who is able to think things out for himself, without regard to the prevailing superstitions and taboos. Almost inevitably he comes to the conclusion that the government he lives under is dishonest, insane and intolerable, and so, if he is romantic, he tries to change it. And even if he is not romantic personally he is very apt to spread discontent among those who are.
Third Series To be happy one must be a well fed, unhounded by sordid cares, at ease in Zion, b full of a comfortable feeling of superiority to the masses of one's fellow men, and c delicately and unceasingly amused according to one's taste. It is my contention that, if this definition be accepted, there is no country in the world wherein a man constituted as I am — a man of my peculiar weakness, vanities, appetites, and aversions — can be so happy as he can be in the United States. On Being An American When I mount the scaffold at last these will be my farewell words to the sheriff: Baltimore Evening Sun 12 June The fact is that the average man's love of liberty is nine-tenths imaginary, exactly like his love of sense, justice and truth.
He is not actually happy when free; he is uncomfortable, a bit alarmed, and intolerably lonely. Liberty is not a thing for the great masses of men.
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It is the exclusive possession of a small and disreputable minority, Fres knowledge, wves and honor. It takes a special sort of man to understand and enjoy liberty — and he is usually an outlaw in democratic societies. Baltimore Evening Sun 12 February Critical note. Why, indeed, should he prove it? Is he judge, jury, prosecuting officer, hangman? He wivrs enough, indeed, when he proves by his blasphemy that this or that idol is defectively convincing—that Fdee least one visitor to the shrine is left full of doubts. The fact is enormously significant; it indicates that instinct has somehow risen superior to the shallowness wivew logic, the refuge of fools. The pedant and the priest have always been the most expert of logicians —and the most diligent disseminators of nonsense and worse.
The liberation of the human mind has never been loonely by Married adult dating website it has been furthered by gay fellows who heaved dead cats into sanctuaries and then went lnely down the highways of the world, proving to all men that doubt, after all, was safe—that the god in the sanctuary was moeon in his power and hence a fraud. Llnely horse-laugh is worth ten thousand syllogisms. It is not only Wanna fuck tonight in geneva effective; it is also vastly more intelligent.
Prejudices, Fourth Series, ch. The former assumption, I believe is always sound; the latter is just as certainly false. For if experience teaches us anything morin all omron teaches us this: Prejudices, Fourth Series Suppose two-thirds of the members of the national House of Representatives were dumped into the Washington garbage incinerator tomorrow, what would we lose to offset our gain of their salaries and the salaries of their parasites? Prejudices, Fourth Series The strange American ardor for passing laws, the insane belief in regulation and punishment, plays into the hands of the reformers, Free lonely wives in moron of them quacks themselves.
Their efforts, even when honest, seldom accomplish any appreciable good. The Harrison Actdespite its cruel provisions, has not diminished drug addiction in the slightest. The Mormons, after years of persecution, are still Mormons, and one of them is now a power in the Senate. Socialism in the United States was not laid by the Espionage Act ; it was laid by the fact that the socialists, during the war, got their fair share of the loot. Nor was the stately progress of osteopathy and chiropractic halted by the early efforts to put them down. Oppressive laws do not destroy minorities; they simply make bootleggers.
Editorial in TheAmerican Mercury Mayp. The amount of this excess, if any, may be determined very conveniently by a petit juryas other questions of guilt are now determined. The flogged judge, or Congressman, or other jobholder, on being discharged from hospital — or his chief heir, in case he has perished — goes before a grand jury and makes a complaint, and, if a true bill is found, a petit jury is empaneled and all the evidence is put before it. If it decides that the jobholder deserves the punishment inflicted upon him, the citizen who inflicted it is acquitted with honor.
If, on the contrary, it decides that this punishment was excessive, then the citizen is adjudged guilty of assault, mayhem, murder, or whatever it is, in a degree apportioned to the difference between what the jobholder deserved and what he got, and punishment for that excess follows in the usual course. As the oldtime family doctor dies out in the country towns, with no competent successor willing to take over his dismal business, he is followed by some hearty blacksmith or ice-wagon driver, turned into a chiropractor in six months, often by correspondence. In Los Angeles the Damned there are probably more chiropractors than actual physicians, and they are far more generally esteemed.
Proceeding from the Ambassador Hotel to the heart of the town, along Wilshire boulevard, one passes scores of their gaudy signs; there are even many chiropractic "hospitals. That pathology is grounded upon the doctrine that all human ills are caused by the pressure of misplaced vertebra upon the nerves which come out of the spinal cord—in other words, that every disease is the result of a pinch. This, plainly enough, is buncombe. The chiropractic therapeutics rest upon the doctrine that the way to get rid of such pinches is to climb upon a table and submit to a heroic pummeling by a retired piano-mover.
This, obviously, is buncombe doubly damned. Or that it is to inculcate and augment patriotism? Or that it is to diminish sorrow in the home? Or that it has some other end, cultural, economic, or military? It is positively dreadful to think that the young of the American species are exposed day in and day out to the contamination of such dark minds. What can be expected of education that is carried on in the very sewers of the intellect? How can morons teach anything that is worth knowing? On "teachers of English" in "The Schoolmarm's Goal" in The Lower Depths Liberty and democracy are eternal enemies, and every one knows it who has ever given any sober reflection to the matter.
A democratic state may profess to venerate the name, and even pass laws making it officially sacred, but it simply cannot tolerate the thing. In order to keep any coherence in the governmental process, to prevent the wildest anarchy in thought and act, the government must put limits upon the free play of opinion. In part, it can reach that end by mere propaganda, by the bald force of its authority — that is, by making certain doctrines officially infamous. But in part it must resort to force, i. One of the main purposes of laws in a democratic society is to put burdens upon intelligence and reduce it to impotence.
Ostensibly, their aim is to penalize anti-social acts; actually their aim is to penalize heretical opinions. At least ninety-five Americans out of every believe that this process is honest and even laudable; it is practically impossible to convince them that there is anything evil in it. In other words, they cannot grasp the concept of liberty. Always they condition it with the doctrine that the state, i. Whenever his notions show signs of becoming "dangerous," ie, of being heard and attended to, it exercises that prerogative.
And the overwhelming majority of citizens believe in supporting it in the outrage. Including especially the Liberals, who pretend — and often quite honestly believe — that they are hot for liberty. They never really are. Deep down in their hearts they know, as good democrats, that liberty would be fatal to democracy — that a government based upon shifting and irrational opinion must keep it Free lonely wives in moron bounds or run a constant risk of disaster. They themselves, as a practical matter, advocate only certain narrow kinds of liberty — liberty, that is, for the persons they happen to favor.
The rights of other persons do not seem to interest them. If a law were passed tomorrow taking away the property of a large group of presumably well-to-do persons — say, bondholders of the railroads — without compensation and without even colorable reason, they would not oppose it; they would be in favor of it. The liberty to have and hold property is not one they recognize. They believe only in the liberty to envy, hate and loot the man who has it. The United States today, indeed, is probably the happiest the world has ever seen. Taxes are high, but they are still well within the means of the taxpayer: The laws are innumerable and idiotic, but only prisoners in the penitentiaries and persons under religious vows ever obey them.
The country is governed by rogues, but there African prostitute in barbacena no general dislike of rogues: Best of all, the people have the pleasant feeling that they can make improvements at any time they want to—. Democrats are always happy. Democracy is a sort of laughing gas. It will not cure anything, perhaps, but it unquestionably stops the pain. It is common to assume that human progress affects everyone-that even the dullest man, in these bright days, knows more than any man of, say, the Eighteenth Century, and is, far more civilized.
This assumption is Sex personals in kowloon erroneous. The man of the educated minority, no doubt, know more than their predecessors, and of some of them, perhaps, it may be said that they are more civilized- though I should not like to be put to giving names0 but the great masses of men, even in this inspired republicare ignorant, they are dishonest, they are cowardly, they are ignoble. They know little if anything that is worth knowing, and there is not the slightest sign of a natural desire among them to increase their knowledge. Homo Neanderthalensis Baltimore Sun June 29th,The Impossible Mencken Every step in human progress, from the first feeble stirrings in the abyss of time, has been opposed by the great majority of men.
Every valuable thing that has been added to the store of man's possessions has been derided by them when it was new, and destroyed by them when they had power. They have fought every new truth ever heard of, and they have killed every truth-seeker who got into their hands. Homo Free lonely wives in moron Baltimore Sun June 29th,The Impossible Mencken It is the national custom to sentimentalize the dead, as it is to sentimentalize men about to be hanged. Perhaps I fall into that weakness here. The Bryan I shall remember is the Bryan of his last weeks on earth -- broken, furious, and infinitely pathetic. It was impossible to meet his hatred with hatred to match it.
He was winning a battle that would make him forever infamous What type of penis do women like enlightened men remembered it and him. Even his old enemy, Darrowwas gentle with him at the end. That cross-examination might have been ten times as devastating. It was plain to everyone that the old Berseker Bryan was gone -- that all that remained of him was a pair of glaring and horrible eyes. But what of his life? Did he accomplish any useful thing?
Was he, in his day, of any dignity as a man, and of any value to his fellow-men? Bryan, at his best, was simply a magnificent job-seeker. The issues that he bawled about usually meant nothing to him. He was ready to abandon them whenever he could make votes by doing so, and to take up new ones at a moment's notice. For years he evaded Prohibition as dangerous; then he embraced it as profitable. At the Democratic National Convention last year he was on both sides, and distrusted by both. In his last great battle there was only a baleful and ridiculous malignancy.
If he was pathetic, he was also disgusting. Bryan was a vulgar and common man, a cad undiluted. He was ignorant, bigoted, self-seeking, blatant and dishonest. His career brought him into contact with the first men of his time; he preferred the company of rustic ignoramuses. It was hard to believe, watching him at Dayton, that he had traveled, that he had been received in civilized societies, that he had been a high officer of state. He seemed only a poor clod like those around him, deluded by a childish theology, full of an almost pathological hatred of all learning, all human dignity, all beauty, all fine and noble things.
He was a peasant come home to the dung-pile. Imagine a gentleman, and you have imagined everything that he was not. What the World's contention amounts to, at bottom, is simply the doctrine that a man engaged in combat with superstition should be very polite to superstition. This, I fear, is nonsense. The way to deal with superstition is not to be polite to it, but to tackle it with all arms, and so rout it, cripple it, and make it forever infamous and ridiculous. Is it, perchance, cherished by persons who should know better? Then their folly should be brought out into the light of day, and exhibited there in all its hideousness until they flee from it, hiding their heads in shame.
True enough, even a superstitious man has certain inalienable rights. He has a right to harbor and indulge his imbecilities as long as he pleases, provided only he does not try to inflict them upon other men by force. He has a right to argue for them as eloquently as he can, in season and out of season. He has a right to teach them to his children. But certainly he has no right to be protected against the free criticism of those who do not hold them. They are free to shoot back. But they can't disarm their enemy. The meaning of religious freedom, I fear, is sometimes greatly misapprehended.
It is taken to be a sort of immunity, not merely from governmental control but also from public opinion. A dunderhead gets himself a long-tailed coat, rises behind the sacred desk, and emits such bilge as would gag a Hottentot. Is it to pass unchallenged? If so, then what we have is not religious freedom at all, but the most intolerable and outrageous variety of religious despotism. Any fool, once he is admitted to holy orders, becomes infallible. Any half-wit, by the simple device of ascribing his delusions to revelation, takes on an authority that is denied to all the rest of us.
What should be a civilized man's attitude toward such superstitions? It seems to me that the only attitude possible to him is one of contempt. If he admits that they have any intellectual dignity whatever, he admits that he himself has none. If he pretends to a respect for those who believe in them, he pretends falsely, and sinks almost to their level. When he is challenged he must answer honestly, regardless of tender feelings. How is it possible for a human brain to be divided into two insulated halves, one functioning normally, naturally and even brilliantly, and the other capable only of such ghastly balderdash which issues from the minds of Baptist evangelists?
Such balderdash takes various forms, but it is at its worst when it is religious. Why should this be so? What is there in religion that completely flabbergasts the wits of those who believe in it? I see no logical necessity for that flabbergasting. Religion, after all, is nothing but an hypothesis framed to account for what is evidentially unaccounted for. In other fields such hypotheses are common, and yet they do no apparent damage to those who incline to them. But in the religious field they quickly rush the believer to the intellectual Bad Lands. He not only becomes anaesthetic to objective fact ; he becomes a violent enemy of objective fact. It annoys and irritates him.
He sweeps it away as something somehow evil. The American Mercury February It is the natural tendency of the ignorant to believe what is not true. In order to overcome that tendency it is not sufficient to exhibit the true; it is also necessary to expose and denounce the false. To admit that the false has any standing in court, that it ought to be handled gently because millions of morons cherish it and thousands of quacks make their livings propagating it—to admit this, as the more fatuous of the reconcilers of science and religion inevitably do, is to abandon a just cause to its enemies, cravenly and without excuse.
It is, of course, quite true that there is a region in which science and religion do not conflict. That is the region of the unknowable. For the curse of the country, as well of all democracies, is precisely the fact that it treats its best men as enemies. The aim of our society, if it may be said to have an aim, is to iron them out. The ideal American, in the public sense, is a respectable vacuum. Every man who tries to tell it is unpopular, and even when, by the sheer strength of his case, he prevails, he is put down as a scoundrel. Chicago Tribune 23 May The basic fact about human existence is not that it is a tragedy, but that it is a bore. It is not so much a war as an endless standing in line.
The objection to it is not that it is predominantly painful, but that it is lacking in sense. Baltimore Evening Sun 9 August No one in this world, so far as I know—and I have researched the records for years, and employed agents to help me—has ever lost money by underestimating the intelligence of the great masses of the plain people. Nor has anyone ever lost public office thereby. If he can hold it by lying, he will hold it by lying; if lying peters out, he will try to hold it by embracing new truths. His ear is ever close to the ground. Notes on DemocracyPart II, p. It is piped into central factories, and there it is flavoured and coloured and put into cans. Notes on Democracy I believe that liberty is the only genuinely valuable thing that men have invented, at least in the field of government, in a thousand years.
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